George Conway finishes fifth in New York Democratic primary after building campaign around attacking Trump

By Marissa George, 
updated on June 24, 2026

George Conway, the attorney and Lincoln Project co-founder who made a second career out of opposing Donald Trump, finished a distant fifth in the New York 12th congressional district Democratic primary on Tuesday, collecting roughly 6.1 percent of the vote in a race he entered as one of the most recognizable names on the ballot.

Out of approximately 102,000 votes cast, Conway pulled in about 6,200. State Representative Micah Lasher won the primary, defeating fellow State Representative Alex Bores by roughly four points. Kennedy family scion Jack Kennedy Schlossberg placed third, and public health researcher Nina Schwalbe came in fourth.

Conway's collapse is worth examining not because he was ever favored to win, but because his entire candidacy was built on a single proposition: that the most important thing a Manhattan congressman could do was oppose Donald Trump. Democratic voters in one of the bluest districts in America looked at that pitch and said no.

A campaign ad that drew White House fire

Conway did not run a quiet race. In a campaign ad posted to X, he addressed Trump directly, as Mediaite reported:

"I know you like putting your name on everything, from your plane to the Kennedy Center. But the only thing your name is going to be left on when I'm done with you is the orange jumpsuit you're going to have to wear in prison."

The White House responded with an official statement earlier this month. The statement called Conway a "lightweight" and accused him of suffering from "Trump Derangement syndrome" that had "melted his brain."

None of it moved the needle. Conway's confrontational posture, the thing that made him famous on cable news and social media, translated into single digits at the ballot box.

Trump responds on Truth Social

After the primary was called Tuesday night, President Trump posted on Truth Social. In his characteristic style, he wrote:

"Wow, Mr. Kellyanne Conway, a Trump Deranged Loser at the highest level, is getting absolutely CRUSHED in the Primaries tonight. He'll end up at about 5% of the vote in a rather weak field of young and aggressive Communists. No wonder his 'husband' dumped him like a dog! This is a truly unattractive person, both inside and out. Have a nice life, George!"

Trump's prediction of about five percent wasn't far off. Conway finished at roughly 6.1 percent, a margin so thin that it barely registered in a field where the top two finishers separated by only four points.

The carpetbagger problem

Conway's difficulties started well before election night. As National Review noted when Conway was still exploring the race, he was living in Bethesda, Maryland, and had left the district in 2017. He hired Democratic pollster Anna Greenberg and began scouting apartments in the district, a detail that underscored how little organic connection he had to the community he wanted to represent.

The district, rated D+33, already had at least ten Democratic primary candidates before Conway entered. His main credential was not local advocacy or policy expertise. It was his fame as a Trump antagonist and his former marriage to Kellyanne Conway, Trump's one-time campaign manager and senior counselor.

Democrats within the party were not shy about saying so. When Conway filed his FEC paperwork to run, Democratic consultant Chris Sosa offered a blunt assessment:

"George Conway is a conservative corporate lawyer with no record of public service in New York City or commitment to the values of Democratic voters."

Sosa added: "Democratic voters are not about to elect the former president of Yale's chapter of the Federalist Society to succeed Rep. Jerry Nadler."

He was right.

Anti-Trump wasn't enough

The seat opened up when longtime Rep. Jerry Nadler announced his retirement. In a safely Democratic district, the primary was the only contest that mattered. Conway apparently believed his national profile and anti-Trump brand would carry him through a crowded field.

That bet failed. Even in a primary where multiple candidates competed to position themselves as Trump's toughest opponent, Conway could not break through. At a pre-primary debate, he acknowledged the intra-party friction, saying what played out was "something that Democrats sometimes do a little too well, which was a circular, or really a triangular firing squad."

But the firing squad wasn't the problem. The problem was that Conway offered voters nothing beyond his grudge match with the president. In a district full of progressive priorities, housing, healthcare, tech regulation, Conway's pitch boiled down to personal animosity toward one man.

This fits a growing pattern. Former Republicans who reinvent themselves as Democrats keep losing primaries, and the rejections carry a consistent message: voters in both parties can smell a conversion of convenience.

Conway co-founded the Lincoln Project, spent years as a Republican-aligned attorney, and led Yale's Federalist Society chapter. His transformation into a Democratic congressional candidate required voters to believe that a lifetime of conservative legal work was less important than a few years of anti-Trump commentary. Manhattan Democrats, to their credit, did not buy it.

What the results say about Trump's political standing

Conway's defeat is a small data point in a large election cycle, but it tells a clear story. Building an entire political identity around opposing Trump is not a winning strategy, not even in a district where Trump is deeply unpopular.

Voters want representatives who will do something for them, not just against someone else. Micah Lasher apparently made that case better than Conway did. So did Bores, Schlossberg, and Schwalbe.

The dynamic isn't limited to New York. Candidates who find themselves on the wrong side of Trump's political gravity have struggled across the map, whether they're Republicans who lost his endorsement or Democrats who made opposing him their entire platform.

Meanwhile, Trump continues to reshape primary fields in races where his endorsement carries weight, consolidating support and clearing lanes for preferred candidates.

Conway's roughly 6,200 votes out of 102,000 cast represent the hard ceiling of what pure anti-Trump animus can deliver, even in the most favorable possible terrain.

A lesson the political class keeps ignoring

George Conway told supporters he wanted to "fight these mothers", his words, from when he was still exploring the race. He got his fight. He lost it badly. Not to Trump, but to Democratic voters who decided that rage is not a qualification for office.

The White House had already weighed in before election day. Conway's campaign ad had already made its threats about orange jumpsuits. The media had already given Conway every possible platform. None of it mattered when actual voters had their say.

Political figures who define themselves entirely by their opposition to Trump keep learning the same lesson: the audience that cheers you on cable news is not the electorate that shows up at the polls.

Conway staked everything on the idea that hating Trump loudly enough would be its own mandate. Manhattan's Democrats gave him 6.1 percent and a long walk home to Bethesda.

Turns out you need more than a grudge to win a seat in Congress. Someone should write that on a bumper sticker.

About Marissa George

Marissa is a staff writer for Real Talk Digest. She is en expert in breaking down the political boondoggle into the real facts for real people.

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